ASHINGTON,
Sept. 29 — The Central Intelligence Agency secretly began to
send teams of American officers to northern Afghanistan about
three years ago in an attempt to persuade the leader of the anti-
Taliban Afghan opposition to capture and perhaps kill Osama bin
Laden, according to American intelligence officials.
The covert effort, which has not been previously disclosed, was
based on an attempt to work with Ahmed Shah Massoud, who was then
the military leader of the largest anti- Taliban group in the
northern mountains of Afghanistan, and to have his forces go after
Mr. bin Laden. Mr. Massoud was himself fatally wounded only two
days before the attacks on the Pentagon and the World Trade
Center, and the C.I.A. believes that he was assassinated by
members of Mr. bin Laden's organization.
The C.I.A.'s clandestine efforts to deal with Mr. Massoud were
among the most sensitive and highly classified elements of a
broader long-term campaign, continuing unsuccessfully through the
end of the Clinton administration and into the Bush
administration, to destroy Mr. bin Laden's terrorist network. The
American campaign against Mr. bin Laden intensified after the
August 1998 bombings of two United States Embassies in East
Africa, which transformed the Saudi-born exile into America's most
wanted terrorist.
Today, the hunt for Osama bin Laden and his lieutenants in Al
Qaeda, the terrorist network he leads from his sanctuary in
Afghanistan, has escalated to wartime levels. The Bush
administration is considering a full range of overt and covert
military and intelligence proposals that Washington policy makers
would have considered too risky or unworkable before the attacks
on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon.
But according to current and former intelligence officials and
other policy makers, the United States has been trying to kill bin
Laden and destroy Al Qaeda for years, as the terrorist
organization has become more ruthless and ambitious in its efforts
to attack American interests around the world.
Clinton administration lawyers determined that the United
States could legitimately seek to kill Mr. bin Laden and his
lieutenants despite the presidential ban on assassinations,
according to current and former American officials. The lawyers
concluded that efforts to hunt and kill Mr. bin Laden were
defensible either as acts of war or as national self defense,
legitimate under both American and international law. As a result,
President Clinton did not waive the executive order banning
assassinations.
There have been an array of unsuccessful attempts to target Mr.
bin Laden and disrupt or destroy Al Qaeda, American officials say.
The Clinton administration even considered mounting a secret
effort to steal millions of dollars from the bin Laden terrorist
network by siphoning it out of the international financial system,
but discarded the scheme because of objections from the United
States Treasury about the implications for world finance.
The United States launched cruise missiles against a meeting
Mr. bin Laden was believed to be attending, encouraged Mr. Massoud
and other Afghan leaders to try to capture him, and received a
secret report from one Afghan group last year about its failed
attempt to assassinate Mr. bin Laden.
The United States also led an international effort to shut down
Afghanistan's airline, which American intelligence officials
believed was being used by Al Qaeda to ship money and personnel
around the world, while also pressuring other nations to arrest
and disrupt Al Qaeda cells.
"This was a top priority for us over the past several
years, and not a day went by when we didn't press as hard as we
could," said Samuel R. Berger, national security adviser in
the Clinton administration. "But this is a tough, tough
problem. I think we were pushing it as hard as we could. And I
think the Bush administration is handling it in a smart way."
But until the devastating attacks on New York and Washington,
the American-led efforts to hunt Mr. bin Laden lacked the sense of
urgency that prevails today. American intelligence and law
enforcement officials grew complacent about the threat of a
domestic attack by Al Qaeda, failed by their own admission to
share information adequately or coordinate their efforts, and were
caught by surprise on Sept. 11.
Washington did not build a strong international coalition to
focus on defeating Al Qaeda, which was seen by other nations
largely as an American problem. Banks in Europe and the Middle
East repeatedly balked at American pressure to cut off Al Qaeda
financing, while wealthy individuals in Persian Gulf states —
sometimes in the guise of donating to Islamic charities —
continued to provide financial support to Al Qaeda.
At the same time, Al Qaeda was rapidly evolving into a larger
and more complex terrorist threat, making it difficult for the
United States to keep up with its scope and abilities. Mr. bin
Laden's great achievement within the terrorist world has been to
forge alliances with other Islamic extremist groups under the
umbrella of Al Qaeda, providing them financing, training and a
sanctuary in Afghanistan, while encouraging coordinated action.
The United States had only a hazy understanding of Mr. bin
Laden's growing significance before 1996, when an Al Qaeda
insider, Jamal Ahmed Al-Fadl, defected to the United States and
began to describe the extent of Mr. bin Laden's plans and
objectives. Based largely on Mr. al- Fadl's information, a federal
grand jury indicted Mr. bin Laden on terrorist conspiracy charges
in June 1998, just two months before the twin bombings of the
American Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania.
The embassy bombings forced Washington to recognize that Mr.
bin Laden had become a major national security threat. Sometime
after the bombings, the C.I.A. began its efforts to work with Mr.
Massoud against Mr. bin Laden, American officials said.
The officials declined to provide many details of the effort.
But officials say that C.I.A. officers secretly traveled to Mr.
Massoud's mountain stronghold in northern Afghanistan and opened
talks in an effort to fashion an anti-bin Laden alliance.
Current and former officials said that Mr. Massoud was promised
large sums of money if he and his rebel fighters could find a way
to get to Mr. bin Laden. Short of capturing the terrorist leader,
Mr. Massoud was asked by the C.I.A. to provide intelligence from
inside Afghanistan about Mr. bin Laden and his organization,
officials said.
It remains unclear even today whether Mr. Massoud — more
interested in toppling the Taliban — ever made a serious effort
to go after Mr. bin Laden. He would have faced enormous obstacles
in doing so, considering that Mr. bin Laden was based in territory
controlled by the Taliban and its military forces.
The effort to work with Mr. Massoud followed the most direct
and open American effort to kill Mr. bin Laden. It came on Aug.
20, 1998, two weeks after the embassy attacks in East Africa.
President Clinton ordered cruise missile strikes on a complex near
Khost, Afghanistan, where the C.I.A. had learned that Mr. bin
Laden was scheduled to be meeting with 200 to 300 other members of
Al Qaeda.
The sea-launched cruise missiles slammed into the camp only
about an hour or so after Mr. bin Laden left the conference,
American officials believe. According to former senior Clinton
administration officials, some 20 to 30 Al Qaeda members were
killed, temporarily disrupting the organization.
But the attack failed in its unstated but clear objective,
which was to kill Mr. bin Laden.
One consequence was that Mr. bin Laden drastically improved his
own security measures. Realizing that the United States had
collected solid intelligence about his physical movements, he cut
back on his use of electronic communications. American officials
say he now tends to talk to subordinates only in person, and they
then pass on his messages to others in the organization.
"He has become more sophisticated by becoming less
sophisticated," said one former senior American official.
In addition, he moves frequently, traveling between Kandahar,
the Taliban stronghold in southern Afghanistan, and the rugged
Afghan countryside farther north, American officials say. "He
became much more secure in his communications, and the only way to
track him was to have people on the ground," said one former
senior American official.
The Clinton administration has been criticized for not
following up on its first missile attack with an all- out effort
to get Mr. bin Laden. But former officials said that they lacked
the "actionable intelligence," or precise information
about Mr. bin Laden's whereabouts, to launch another attack.
"The main focus was location, location, location,"
said one former administration official. "We had intensive
intelligence gathering efforts to track him."
In addition, the logistics of launching an attack by special
forces in one of the most remote regions of the world also
presented formidable obstacles. "We had a number of
contingency plans, but logistically it was a nightmare," said
a former senior Clinton administration official.
Still, another Afghan group, not connected with Mr. Massoud,
did report to the C.I.A. last year that it had attempted to
assassinate Mr. bin Laden, American officials said. The group,
which the officials declined to identify, reported that it had
attempted to kill Mr. bin Laden by assaulting a convoy in which he
was thought to be traveling. They reported that it turned out that
Mr. bin Laden was not in the convoy.
The reported assassination attempt was not approved or planned
with C.I.A. assistance, American officials said. But the officials
did say that the group had carried out the attack knowing that
Washington had a great interest in either capturing Mr. bin Laden
or having him killed.
Washington has also attempted to target Mr. bin Laden's
finances. One idea briefly considered by the Clinton
administration called for a clandestine effort to drain money out
of bank accounts that could be tied to Al Qaeda. But former
Clinton administration officials said that Treasury Department
officials opposed the idea, fearing that it might damage the
integrity of the financial system.
"Treasury was not enamored of the idea," noted one
former Clinton administration official. Another former
administration official said that the idea was flawed because
stealing money from a bank account would in most instances leave
the bank liable to make up the loss to the individual, thus
hurting the bank rather than depriving Al Qaeda of money.
But the United States did mount an international effort to curb
Mr. bin Laden's access to the financial system. In 1998, President
Clinton invoked emergency economic powers against Mr. bin Laden
and Al Qaeda, giving the United States the power to freeze assets
of any individuals or institutions working with or assisting the
terrorist group. In 1999, the Taliban was added to the list, and
American officials were surprised to find that the Taliban had
actually left large sums of money in banks in the United States,
mostly in older Afghan government accounts. Eventually, American
and international pressure led to United Nations sanctions, and
effectively shut down international flights by Ariana Airlines,
the Afghan government's air carrier, which American intelligence
had concluded was being used by Al Qaeda as its conduit to the
Persian Gulf and the rest of the world.
In 1999, officials from the White House and the Treasury
Department traveled to the Persian Gulf to try to pressure
governments to shut down Al Qaeda's banking relationships. But
they achieved only mixed results.
"Where we didn't have success was when other countries
delayed or denied that there was a problem," said one former
official. "Sometimes it was because of a lack of political
will, sometimes because those countries didn't have the legal or
regulatory frameworks they needed to really know what was going on
in their financial institutions."
Former Clinton administration officials say they sympathize
with their successors in the Bush administration who now confront
Mr. bin Laden, and defend their own efforts as the best possible
in a world that lacked the current sense of urgency about Al Qaeda.
"It was something that we focused on on a daily basis, and
pursued with vigor, and I think we accomplished quite a lot,"
said former Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright. "I
think we took it as far as was possible to go at the time, and I
think what we did has provided the basis for things the Bush
administration is trying to do now."